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Warrantless Surveillance To Continue For Now
NormalVisual writes "It appears that the unconstitutional and controversial warrantless surveillance program being conducted by the Bush Administration can continue until an appeals court can hear the case, according to an AP article. The 6th Circuit ruled that while the lower court had ruled the program was unconstitutional, they felt that the case's chances before the appeals court and the possible danger to national security warranted their decision to let it continue despite the likelihood that the appeal process will take months."
Is it just me, or is this sort of behavior completely unwarranted?
The point is that the District Court realized that it didn't have the final say in the matter so they wouldn't unilaterally block its use since the Executive Branch has stated that it was of interest in national security. In the court's opinion, the wiretapping is unconstitutional. But there are hundreds (or thousands) of federal judges in the United States who often make contradictory rulings that need to be reconciled at the Appeals or Supreme Court level. Since there is no question that this case will go to the Supreme Court at some point, the District Court did the wise thing, realizing it wasn't the final say and delaying the order of its ruling until the case reaches higher levels.
Obviously this isn't popular with many people on Slashdot, but it is how the courts need to work. In the reverse, a court could, for example, declare that abortion was unconstitutional. If it didn't delay its ruling until higher courts analyzed it, it would affect hundreds of thousands to millions of women.
Interesting thought there.
So it is a fact they issued ruling, but that ruling has been suspended and is on appeal.
Many more opinions have been given that contradict this one, i.e. case law is AGAINST this ruling.
Pendantic reciting of case law follows:
In 1974, the Third Circuit decided United States v. Butenko, 494 F.2d 593 (3rd Cir. 1974), where the defendant was convicted of espionage. The court wrote:
In sum, we hold that, in the circumstances of this case, prior judicial authorization was not required since the district court found that the surveillances of Ivanov were "conducted and maintained solely for the purpose of gathering foreign intelligence information."
Three years later, the Ninth Circuit decided United States v. Buck, 548 F.2d 871 (9th Cir. 1977), a firearms prosecution. The court said:
Foreign security wiretaps are a recognized exception to the general warrant requirement....
In 1980, the Fourth Circuit decided United States v. Truong, another criminal prosecution that arose out of the defendant's spying on behalf of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. The case squarely presented the issue of the executive branch's inherent power to conduct warrantless surveillance for national security purposes:
The defendants raise a substantial challenge to their convictions by arguing that the surveillance conducted by the FBI violated the Fourth Amendment and that all the evidence uncovered through that surveillance must consequently be suppressed. As has been stated, the government did not seek a warrant for the eavesdropping on Truong's phone conversations or the bugging of his apartment. Instead, it relied upon a "foreign intelligence" exception to the Fourth Amendment's warrant requirement. In the area of foreign intelligence, the government contends, the President may authorize surveillance without seeking a judicial warrant because of his constitutional prerogatives in the area of foreign affairs.
The court agreed with the government's position:
For several reasons, the needs of the executive are so compelling in the area of foreign intelligence, unlike the area of domestic security, that a uniform warrant requirement would, following [United States v. United States District Court, 407 U.S. 297 (1972)], "unduly frustrate" the President in carrying out his foreign affairs responsibilities. First of all, attempts to counter foreign threats to the national security require the utmost stealth, speed and secrecy. A warrant requirement would add a procedural hurdle that would reduce the flexibility of executive foreign intelligence activities, in some cases delay executive response to foreign intelligence threats, and increase the chance of leaks regarding sensitive executive operations.
The court held that warrantless searches for foreign intelligence purposes are constitutional, as long as the "object of the search or the surveillance is a foreign power, its agent or collaborators," and the search is conducted "primarily" for foreign intelligence reasons.
The state of the law was summed up by the Second Circuit in United States v. Duggan, 743 F.2d 59 (1984), a terrorism case in which the court, among other rulings, upheld the constitutionality of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA), which was adopted in 1981. The court wrote:
Prior to the enactment of FISA, virtually every court that had addressed the issue had concluded that the President had the inherent power to conduct warrantless electronic surveillance to collect foreign intelligence information, and that such surveillances constituted an exception to the warrant requirement of the Fourth Amendment.
Finally, in 2002, the United States Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court of Review decided Sealed Case No. 02-001. This case arose out of a provision of the Patriot Act that was intended to break do
Never answer an anonymous letter. - Yogi Berra
Why is this news? THe Bush administration has been acting in extra-legal and unconstitutional ways since 9/11/2001. Why should they stop? The majority of the American people obviously care more about being kept "safe" from supposed terrorists than they do about losing their civil liberties; after all, "No one that I know, from personal acquaintance, to be innocent has been arrested by the Bush administration". That line was actually written to me, by someone whose opinion I used to respect, by way of questioning why I expressed concern and outrage over G.W. Bush's grab for dictatorial power. So long as that sort of opinion prevails and it will, because most Americans have no idea what the difference between Natural Law rights and Positivist Law rights is, there will be no change in government policy. To paraphrase Joseph Stalin, "How many divisions does Chief Justice Roberts have?"
I asked the rhetorical question "Why is this news?" because anyone who expects that the Bush administration will respect the ruling of any court is in for a shock. They've already set the precedent with last week's passage of the "Military Commissions Act of 2006"; you know, that's the one that not only makes G.W.'s prior military tribunals legal, but goes several steps further in that the definition of "unlawful enemy combatant" is now (quoting from the Act itself):
948a. Definitions
In this chapter:
(1) UNLAWFUL ENEMY COMBATANT.(A) The term unlawful enemy combatant means
(i) a person who has engaged in hostilities or who has purposefully and materially supported hostilities against the United States or its co-belligerents who is not a lawful enemy combatant (including a person who is part of the Taliban, al Qaeda, or associated forces); or
(ii) a person who, before, on, or after the date of the enactment of the Military Commissions Act of 2006, has been determined to be an unlawful enemy combatant by a Combatant Status Review Tribunal or another competent tribunal established under the authority of the President or the Secretary of Defense."
Notice how this language does not exclude the possibility of designating American citizens as "unlawful enemy combatants". Note further how the power of determining who is an unlawful enemy combatant rests solely with "a Combatant Status Review Tribunal or another competent tribunal established under the authority of the President or the Secretary of Defense." and that there is no requirement that such findings be based on meeting any part of the defintion given in part (i), e.g., the President can declare anyone he wishes to be an enemy of the State. There is no recourse to the criminal justice system to appeal any such ruling, nor are writs of habeus corpus allowed, nor are civilian defense attorneys to be part of any Military Tribunal process, nor does the defendant any longer have the privilege of invoking his 5th Amendment right agains self-incrimination. Other civil liberties are also trampled upon by this act, including the right to a speedy trial and the right to examine the evidence against one. Again, from the Act itself: (these refer to parts of the Uniform Code of Military Justice which are not to apply to "unlawful enemy combatants")
(d) INAPPLICABILITY OF CERTAIN PROVISIONS.(1) The following provisions of this title shall not apply to trial by military
commission under this chapter:
(A) Section 810 (article 10 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice), relating to speedy trial, including any rule of courts martial
relating to speedy trial.
(B) Sections 831(a), (b), and (d) (articles 31(a), (b), and (d) of the Uniform Code of Military Justice), relating to compulsory
self-incrimination.
(C) Section 832 (article 32 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice), relating to pretrial investigation.
(2) Other provisions of chapter 47 of this title shall apply to trial by military commission under this chapter only to the extent provided by this chapter."
The Act further specifies that the Geneva Convention may not b
Impeach Barack Obama for violating the Constitutional requirement to be a "natural born" citizen to hold the office of P