Grammar Traces Language Roots
mlewan writes "Researchers use grammar to trace relations between Papuan languages. What is interesting is not that much that they use grammar features to do this, but that they seem to have given up using vocabulary as a help."
Use the same techniques to decipher Slashot headlines
Researchers use grammar to trace relations between Papuan languages. What is interesting is not that much that they use grammar features to do this, but that they seem to have given up using vocabulary as a help.
Help me take back Slashdot. When did 'News for Nerds' become 'FUD and Conspiracy Theories for Extremist Nutjobs'?
Gives up on vocabulizzle? What you try to sizzle? That I'm a bizzle nizzle from afrizzle?
Even in England, different regions use different words and pronunciations (which could count as different words). But we all use the same grammar. It's easy to change the sounds of a sentence, but to change the structure requires hefty evolution, and hence a separation of culture.
Argh.
What is interesting is not that much that they use grammar features to do this, but that they seem to have given up using vocabulary as a help.
In other news, researchers find little evidence of English language roots in Slashdot postings.
One can always, eventually, make out structure from random noise. At what point do you stop blindly searching for the sake of it?
Aren't these the same guys who think English is grammatically closer to German than it is to Swedish?
Concerning the picture of the painted man in the article, ESR is reported to have said "I wouldn't cross that guy's path for a liquor-store crate of Jaegermeister."
Both parties are up-stairs:
One party says to the other:
"Can you bring the table downstairs?" (The asking party is to stay upstairs.)
To me, the grammar is still wanting here and wrong; the party should have said, "Can you take the table downstairs?"
Sadly, this kind of grammar is common among the American public, and reflects the extent to which our systems are slowly rotting.
The other sayings I hear are: "He was like...", "I am like...",
All these are wrong folks.
"What is interesting" thats my question what IS interesting about this story.
Why is there a story about grammar on a site whose editors can't understand the difference between "its" and "it's"?
The preceding message was based on actual events. Only the names, locations and events have been changed.
I have a pretty decent vocabulary and at times I have found myself picking the perfect word for a sentence without consciously knowing its meaning. I often go to a dictionary to confirm my suspicions that I have indeed chosen a word with the correct definition. It seems I can place the word given the context of neighboring words and the meaning of the word itself is secondary.
Could it be used to create a "language map" that shows the interactions across the history of the population of the continents? It would be cool.
--
Superb hosting 4800MB Storage, 120GB bandwidth, ssh, $7.95
Picaday!!! Strange & sexy pictures (Some NSFW!).
Hosting 20G hd, 1Tb bw! ssh $7.95
Traditional methods for tracking language relations are based on vocabulary. That's because every language has a rich vocabulary based on sound and meaning; and sound changes are usually widespread (that is, one sound change occurs wherever it can, changing perhaps every 'd' into an 'n'). So you can usually corrolate the basic vocabularies of two related languages rather predictably.
Grammar, on the other hand, is much smaller and more limited. It's possible for two unrelated languages to have very similar grammars, but much more difficult for them to have similar basic vocabularies. There's an Austronesian language which has a word 'dog' that means 'canine', but that's practically the only shared word between it and English. Usually you won't have more than a couple dozen shared words between unrelated languages.
Also, when two different languages interact, the result is usually grammatical simplification--even if both grammars are quite complex, you might drop a few cases and inflections. So it's extremely surprising that linguists could track language change via grammar in this case.
English has roots in ancient Saxon. Its vocabulary is largely from Latin via French. The grammar is still largely based on Saxon though. If you analyzed the vocabulary, you would conclude that English was a derivative of French. If you analyze the grammar, you conclude that it came from Saxon.
It's also interesting to look at traditional rites, which don't change as rapidly as the rest of the language. For instance, there are lots of Christmas carols which have English usage that hasn't been used in everyday speech for hundreds of years. (This also holds for musical scales.)
It has long been known that Japanese and Korean have had similarities in grammar, but both have been classified as language isolates as a result of not being able to find strong vocabulary links as nice as Indo-European languages. Some consider the two languages to be a part of the larger Altaic language group. Maybe this new method of investigation will turn up more useful results than the vocab link which is increasingly becoming a dead end.
UK: I haven't got a nose. US: I don't have a nose.
UK: Microsoft are delaying Longhorn. US: Microsoft is delaying Longhorn.
Also, grammar certainly does change quite a bit even in the course of a thousand years. E.g., "With this ring I thee wed" is a remnant of when English used Subject-Object-Verb ordering (like German) instead of Subject-Verb-Object, whereas most of the so-called "strong irregular verbs" in English can be traced back to proto Indo-European (~7000 BC). English has also lost almost all of its declinations for case, except for pronouns.
Nevertheless, this new technique does sound like a promising tool for historical linguistics.
Grammar as linguists use the term (at least since the mid 1950s) is focused on descriptive rules. Rather than being the kind of thing you consiously learn, grammar is something that is developed, somehow, during first language acquisition. So, splitting infinitives, while prescriptively incorrect, is perfectly acceptable and grammatical in common English. The only reason why that particular school marm bugaboo exists is because it's not possible to split infinitives in Latin, and so the traditon was that stylistically, one ought not to do the same in English, despite the fact that we have a periphrastic infinitive and it's perfectly common as a structure.
For an example of ungrammatical sentences, consider the following:
I fed the cat with the fluffy tail
* I fed the cat with the fluffy it.
I've only substituted a pronoun for a single noun in the sentence above, but it's clearly incorrect to a native speaker of English, whereas in the sentence:
I see the tail.
I see it.
The mistake in the first example is an error no speaker of English would ever really make. Not because it's stylistically incorrect, but because it somehow violates a fundamental structural rule of the language.
The article reports that "the researchers made a database of 125 grammatical features in 15 Papuan languages. This included how word types, such as nouns and verbs, are ordered in a sentence, and whether nouns have a gender, as they do in languages such as German and French."
Unfortunately, these aren't reliable characteristics for determining language relatedness. For example, English and German are both undisputably West Germanic languages and are very closely related, having branched less than 2000 years ago. Nevertheless, German nouns have grammatical gender, while English nouns don't. German verbs come at the end of the clause (except in the main clause), while in English the placement of the verb is much more flexible but rarely at the end of the clause. Other examples could readily be given.
There is one, and only one, method for determining relatedness between languages which is generally accepted by specialists in the field: namely, by identifying a core of lexical and morphological items which show systematic correspondences in their sounds between languages (e.g. English father, fish, Latin pater, piscis), and which can't reasonably be attributed to borrowing or to chance.
Of course it would be nice if we could show relatedness between languages which branched further back than 10,000 years or so. Because of the way in which languages change, it's very unlikely that we'll ever be able to do so, at least if we are observing accepted standards of scientific rigor. Approaches roughly similar to the one described here have been attempted repeatedly in recent years, and have been repeatedly answered in the literature. You don't earn brownie points for sexing up an unreliable methodology by involving computers.
IAAPHCL (I am a professor of historical and comparative linguistics).
When I travelled to Jakarta (capital of Indonesia) the first time, I found out that that noone really speaks Indonesian there. The whole beautiful language does not exist, because everyone speaks slang there and this is difficult. Indonesian is only being written and not talked.
Two years later I got to know my current girl-friend. She is from same island as Jakarta (Java). She speaks Javanese and I realized that all my efforts to learn Indonesian have been waste of time. The vocabulary is completely different (remember what I said before about the vocabulary being the only thing you really have to learn). The easy kind of grammar is the only thing both these languages have in common.
the problem, in the cited example sentence, is that "it" replaces an DP, whereas you are trying to replace an N; it would be similarly ungrammatical cross-linguistically. The correct substitution class would be a pronoun such as "one": "You fed the rat with the smooth tail, and I fed the cat with the fluffy one."
It is stylistically incorrect to say "the [adjective] it." Generally speaking, because DP dominates AP, you would never be able to modify the pronoun "it" (which patterns roughly as a DP) with any adjective. Sorry.
That Nature article is badly misleading in claiming that traditional historical linguistic methods are based on vocabulary and that it is an innovation to use grammar. It is true that amateurs' ideas about linguistic relationship are based almost entirely on vocabulary, but that isn't true of what professional historical linguists do.
To begin with, there are two different problems to be addressed. The first is, given a bunch of languages, are they related at all, where by "related", we mean "descended from a common ancestor". The second problem is, given that a bunch of languages are related, HOW are they related, that is, what is the family tree, in what order did they separate?
To determine whether languages are related, we look at "similarities". I put this in scare quotes because the relevant sorts of "similarities" are more accurately described as congruences, that is, systematic relationships between languages that may not necessarily be "similar" in the usual sense. For example, English and Armenian are distantly related members of the Indo-European language family. Proto-Indo-European *dw appears in English as /t/, as in "two", while in Armenian it appears as /erk/
as in /erku/ "two". Proto-Indo-European *dw -> Armenian erk is a regular sound change in that it happens in all of the attested cases in which that sequence of sounds is found. It is almost certainly the result of a series of less peculiar changes of which the intermediate stages happen not to be attested. The point is that this kind of systematic relationship is evidence of historical relationship between languages but is not a similarity in the usual sense.
Given some similarities or congruences between languages, the first question that arises is whether they might be due to chance. It is easy to find examples. For example, the Korean word for "language" is /mal/, as is the Icelandic word. There is no other reason to think that Korean and Icelandic are related, so this is written off as a coincidence. Amateurs tend not to realize how high the probability is of chance resemblences - there is a large crank literature in which people list words that they consider similar in sound and meaning in two languages and offer this as evidence of relationship.
One reason that historical linguists look for regular sound changes like Proto-Indo-European *dw -> Armenian erk, or less exotic, Proto-Indo-European *p -> English f (e.g. English "father", Latin "pater", Sanskrit "pitar") is that regular sound changes, which are reflected in regular sound correspondences among the daughter languages, greatly reduce the number of degrees of freedom and therefore provide evidence that the similarities observed are not merely coincidences.
A first point, then, is that even to the extent that historical linguists rely on vocabulary for establishing relationships, what they rely on are the regular sound correspondances, not raw similarities in words.
Now, given that we have reason to believe that there are similarities between two languages that are unlikely to be due to chance, we still have to determine their origin.One possibility is that they are due to common descent,in which case we have evidence of a genetic relationship. The alternative is that the similarities are due to diffusion. Diffusion can consist of outright borrowing, e.g. English acquiring karate from Japanese, or it can be less direct, e.g. Amharic and Tigrinya shifting away from the old Semitic verb-initial word order to verb-final word order under the influence of the neighboring languages in Ethiopia and Eriterea. The problem is, how can we tell whether a given similarity is due to genetic relationship or to diffusion?
The answer is, sometimes we can, but often it is hard, maybe even impossible. If you have multiple sets of regular sound correspondances, at most one of them can be genetic. The others must reflect borrowing. If the vocabulary that show
-nt-
Please, for the good of Humanity, vote Obama.
I speak German, Swiss-German, Dutch, Afrikaans, French, English and some Spanish and Turkish. One thing that really amazed me about Turkish is that, despite being seperated for over 1000 years, a Turk can still make himself understood throughout central asia from Azerbaijan to Kazakhstan. The languages have changed very little from proto-Turkic. Whats more, once you learn the grammatical system on which Turkish is based, you immediatley notice the exact same or at least very similar features throughout the Ural-Altaic language group, from Finnish, Hungarian, through to Turkish and Mongolian: The way that these languages almost uniformally have no concept of grammatical gender (no word for he or she), the way that these languages universally use the concept of adding prepositions as suffixes onto the end of words instead of being seperate as is generally the case in Indo-European languages, the very large case system also added as suffixes to the ends of words, and the concept of vowel harmony, where, in the beginning of a word which has back vowel such as a,o and u, or front vowels such as ä, ü or ö, will force the rest of the word to also change their vowels to fit in with the pattern.
It is amazing that this structure of these languages has remained so solid such that Hungarian and Finnish, which have no common words, have a very similar grammatical structure after having being seperated for almost 3500 years.
This is absolutely not the case with Indo-European languages where a modern English person can usually not understand their own language from 1200 years ago, much less German or Dutch which were both very closely related to Old English at the time. Granted Old English changed very much with the viking invasions when it mixed with Old Norse and then once again when it mixed with old French after the Norman invasion, such that the structure of a modern English sentence resembles Scandinavian more than it does German, but its vocabulary resembles German/Dutch and French.
In summary, I think that language is a reflection of both society and environment. People will make up new words to fit changing circumstances, and language structure will change when different languages meet. Simply trying to match grammatical patterns will work well on some language groups such as Ural altaic, but not so well on others, such as Indo European where vocabulary patterns are better matched (try matching English's almost complete lack of grammatical cases with Czech's 7 cases). Pattern matching on languages should try to take not only historical environmental situations into account, but also language group mixing, language evolution patterns if possible, and integrate those with vocab and grammatical patterns.
For a really good question, one should ask oneself how on earth old languages evolved in the first place, since they were alomst uniformly far more complex grammatically than those we speak to day.
Skåne ~ schön ???
'Bright's Old English' - Authors - Cassidy and Ringler Publisher - Holt Rinehart, Winston ISBN 0-03-084713-3
Chapter 1 is pretty much the definitive source on how Old English came to be. I haven't read the text you quote, but I have read rather a lot of history. French came into the English language with the invasion of 1066. If you are a linguist, you might conclude anything you like, but written history trumps linguistic theories (well understood or not) any day of the week.
English and French did not evolve from a common parent. English, as we know it, started out as the Germanic language of the Saxons. It acquired its French vocabulary as a result of 1066. End of story.
Almost all European languages are derived from proto-indo-european but that was rather a long time ago. What I was doing was correcting the notion that the English words that are similar to French words might be so because the two languages have a common parent. That is nonsense. The French influence on the English language was very direct and very well documented. Those French words came from French, they did not come from a common parent.
We still have traces of a time when the vocabularies were quite separate. In a document, you might include three different vocabularies so that both Saxons, Normans and Latin speaking clerics could understand you. For instance: "Stop, cease and desist." We often have two words for the same thing derived from Saxon and Norman. For instance: "Beef and cattle"
It is also true that much of the core vocabulary is derived from Germanic. If you count outside the core vocabulary though, you will find more words of French origin than German. After 1066, what we had was French vocabulary settling on a German core. A large change in the grammar happened when scholars, starting three or four hundred years ago started to impose Latin grammatical rules on English. Your statement that modern grammar is closer to French than to its Saxon origins is true, but not because of the French influence. It was that darn Ben Johnson and his cronies.
Ain't it great when you have to read the article preview 3 or 4 times to make sense of it. I'm giving up Slashdot.
Really.
I mean it this time.
I'm deleting it from my daily list.
Gone.
Poof.
Bye.
From what I understand, javanese is an honorific language. That is, the words you choose depend on the relative class of yourself and the one you are addressing. So you may have six ways to say exactly the same thing -- which words you choose depend on whether you are honored more, less, or the same as your listener and to what degree.
Actually in proper Norwegian, not Dano-Norwegian, it would be "Lag" - as in one of our most treasured kings, King Magnus the Lawmender (Lagabøte). If it wasn't for the Danish-Norwegian "union" we would still use the word. Norway was the first Scandinavian country to form a nation - but it only regained full independence in recent times. How ironic that I, a Norwegian, am writing this using my Danish employer's network.
Her tits are beautiful. Her right tit's bigger than her left tit's .
As I understand, the northern Germans brought their language to what is now the UK, and for centuries the language we now call Old English retained the same complex grammar as German.
Since Latin was the language associated with classical study and learning, intellectuals brought a lot of vocabulary into English, resulting in the original German vocabulary being considered rough, while the smarty Latin based words were considered sophisticated. We still use a Latin-based English word over a German-based English word when trying to sound smart:
God vs Deity
Earth vs Terrestrial
Father vs Paternal
Shit vs Excrement
Blood pressure vs Hemostat
Iron vs Ferrite
But English lost the structural grammar of German when the ruling English kings switched to speaking French, leaving English to the commoners, who found little use for keeping up with 16 ways to say "the", and needing to change verbs, adjectives and nouns to indicate tense, case, gender (three genders in the case of German!) and number.
When the intellectuals picked English back up, its grammar was streamlined dramatically, making it simpler but leaving more room for ambiguity.
So a comparison of languages based on grammar rule matches would have to take into account the history involved in the evolution of the language, particularly involving who spoke the language and how much effort the intellectual or scribe class put into playing the role of grammar nazi to protect the structure of wording.
The complexity of a grammar is likely to be related the tenacity of a culture's grammar keepers; even so, it appears there are natural human instincts that introduce rules of grammar, even amoung people without a classical education. It also seems like ancient languages frequently had arcanely complex grammars, indicating that grammar is not a recent invention, and that languages are not necessarily growing increasingly more complex in the obvious ways one might guess.
The verb tenses I learned in my school books in the Northeastern US didn't *always* match the way the kids on the street or the people on TV spoke, and most people didn't use the more complex Latin-like forms (subjunctives and optatives and the like) very much. But Southerners have all sorts of different verb forms, especially for future or potential future events. I'm not just talking about uneducated-white-boy Ebonics-equivalent or "ain't" or the assertion that a Southern accent is like losing 20 IQ points (which I've mainly heard from Southerners :-). It's forms like "I might could do that" or "I might coulda done that" or "I'd been fixin' to get around to that." Some of this is because of insular communities that have been around from various sets early-colonial British-Isles immigrants, and some probably has African influences, and some just kinda happened.
Bill Stewart
New Fast-Compression-only CPR http://preview.tinyurl.com/dy575ks
http://www.ethnologue.com/show_country.asp?name=PG
Does anyone know what's up with that?
I think it's strange how a headline about grammar can be so badly butchered. I'm not the best writer here, but a minor proof reading of the above headline would have made it much more readable.
If you don't get what I mean, try reading it out loud.